- Universitatea "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" din Iasi
Facultatea de Istorie
Centrul de Studii Clasice şi Creştine
Bd. Carol I 11
IASI - 700506
România - ++40 232 201634
Nelu Zugravu
Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iasi, Romania, History, Faculty Member
- Latin historiography, Late Antiquity, Early Christianity, Ancient History, Classics, Roman History, and 30 moreRoman Religion, Latin Literature, Patristics and Late Antiquity, Patristics, Historiography, Religion and Violence, Late Roman Empire, Roman Historiography, History of Christianity, Latin Epigraphy, Roman Dacia, Late Roman Epitomes/breviaria, Constantine, Roman Empire, Augustus, Late Latin Literature, Ancient Religion, Octavianus Augustus, Augustan Principate, Epitomadores Del S. IV, Amiano Marcelino, Barbarians and Romans in Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages, Res Gestae, Aurelius Victor, Trajan, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Ausonius, Theodosius, Eutropius, and Zosimosedit
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Cette contribution traite d’un sujet encore négligé dans les études épigraphiques roumaines, à savoir le développement d’un style rhétorique dans les inscriptions tardives de la Dobroudja romaine. Ce phénomène a déjà fait l’objet de... more
Cette contribution traite d’un sujet encore négligé dans les études épigraphiques roumaines, à savoir le développement d’un style rhétorique dans les inscriptions tardives de la Dobroudja romaine. Ce phénomène a déjà fait l’objet de nombreuses recherches sous la houlette d’épigraphistes occidentaux. Dans cette perspective, nous analysons ici dans une approche intertextuelle une série de formules, d’expressions et de termes identifiés dans les inscriptions des IIIe-IVe siècles ap. J.-C. dont l’usage fait écho aux phrases et au vocabulaire que l’on retrouve dans le XII Panegyrici Latini et les discours contemporains de Symmaque, Ausone ou de Claudius Claudianus. Cette recherche révèle l’essor à partir du IIIe siècle dans la province de Scythie Mineure d’un phénomène idéologique et culturel intéressant consistant dans l’usage d'un style rhétorique dans les textes épigraphiques, suivant un processus que l’on retrouve alors dans d'autres régions de l'Empire romain. Elle révèle l’existence d’un protocole élaboré et d’un art de la rhétorique dans l’adresse au prince véhiculé soit par des notables locaux en milieu urbain, soit par des représentants de l'État.
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The plague metaphor has a high incidence in Latin literature. The present text indicates some examples of plague metaphors collected from various sources (literary, legal, historiographical, poetic, rhetorical, polemical) belonging to the... more
The plague metaphor has a high incidence in Latin literature. The present text indicates some examples of plague metaphors collected from various sources (literary, legal, historiographical, poetic, rhetorical, polemical) belonging to the late antique period, which are intended to emphasize, through the integral transfer of meaning from the lethal disease to various aspects responsible for aggravating the dysfunctions and deterioration to the point of collapse of the ills of the late antique Roman society – fiscal obligations, abuses, compromised justice, aggressive Christianity, magic, heresy, some emperors, usurpers and members of the imperial administrative apparatus, etc. The subject would deserve to be deepened in a larger work, which would analyze the presence and significance of this rhetorical and stylistic procedure according to the character of the writings, the literary genre to which they belong, the narrative, poetic or rhetorical context of the use, the political and cultural framework of the elaboration of the works, the religious or philosophical orientation of the authors, the purpose of the intended message.
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Our contribution analyzes one of the youthful writings of the Romanian historian and archaeologist Vasile Pârvan, still very little known in Romanian historiography – M. Aurelius Verus Caesar și L. Aurelius Commodus, A. D. 138-161. Studiu... more
Our contribution analyzes one of the youthful writings of the Romanian historian and archaeologist Vasile Pârvan, still very little known in Romanian historiography – M. Aurelius Verus Caesar și L. Aurelius Commodus, A. D. 138-161. Studiu istoric (Bucharest, 1909). At that time, it was recommended as unique in Romanian historiography, from at least three points of view: 1. It was the first scientific imperial biography in modern Romanian culture. 2. It opened a new direction of investigation – the history of ancient ideas. 3. It addresses an original problem of the institutional history of the Roman Empire, namely the “personal and public law relations” between Hadrian and Antoninus Pius and the “future first co-emperors Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Verus” and between the latter among themselves – specifically, the question of coregency and of the collegiality of sovereign power. In this pioneering work in the field, Vasile Pârvan formulated points of view close to identity with those of some contemporary historians: a) He advanced the idea that Hadrian’s regulation of 25 February 138 whereby the emperor adopted Aurelius Antoninus, and he adopted Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius, was in fact referring to Marcus Aurelius. b) He intuited an extremely important aspect of the phenomenon of imperial succession implemented by Hadrian, without, however, formulating it explicitly, namely the succession in steps, according to the Augustan model. c) He noted that in 136, when he adopted L(ucius) Ceionius Commodus and gave him the name/title of Caesar, thus becoming L(ucius) Aelius Caesar, Hadrian did not also grant his son of the same name (the future Lucius Verus) cognomen Caesar. The situation was repeated under Antoninus Pius: in 139: Caesar only became Marcus, not Verus. Pârvan, following Theodor Mommsen, believed that this reflected an innovation, an “exceptional procedure” introduced by Hadrian into the succession protocol: only an heir presumptive, only the one truly destined to rule received the title/cognomen of Caesar, not all those adopted and enrolled, theoretically, in the line of succession, as had happened under the first imperial dynasty. d) Finally, the Romanian historian showed that 161, the year of Marcus Aurelius’ accession to the throne, marks another innovative moment in Roman constitutional history: Marcus granted his brother Lucius Verus not only the title of Caesar, tribunicia potestas, and imperium proconsulare, but also the name-title Imperator... Augustus, making Verus, from co-regent, a “co-emperor”; and thus was born, instead of a coregency, a Sammtherrshaft, a Doppelprinzipat or a “bicephalous principality”, but in which Verus had a subordinate position.
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Sulla base dei suggerimenti della letteratura, in particolare della retorica e della teoria del testo, della teoria della comunicazione, della semiotica e dello studio dell'immagine nell'arte figurativa tardoantica, si discute la... more
Sulla base dei suggerimenti della letteratura, in particolare della retorica e della teoria del testo, della teoria della comunicazione, della semiotica e dello studio dell'immagine nell'arte figurativa tardoantica, si discute la strategia comunicativa utilizzata nel caso di un'iscrizione trovata a Tropaeum Traiani (ISM IV 16). Vengono analizzati gli elementi di natura paratestuale (mise en place), testuale (mise en page) e paralessicale (mise en texte), che facilitano la compresione più sfumata del messaggio trasmesso da questa epigrafe ufficiale.
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Until now, from the great project Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire, the volumes on Africa, Italy and Asia have been published. An onomastic corpus of Christians from the Lower Danube region would naturally be part of the... more
Until now, from the great project Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire, the volumes on Africa, Italy and Asia have been published. An onomastic corpus of Christians from the Lower Danube region would naturally be part of the above-mentioned collection. This paper pre¬sents the main aspects of the prosopographic approach of that region in Late An¬tiquity: historiography, methodology, chronology, and sources.
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In Late Antiquity the breuiaria enjoyed a very wide diffusion in the field of literature, historiography, theology, law, military art, etc. The paper focuses on the historiographical breuiaria, especially Historiae abbreviatae by Aurelius... more
In Late Antiquity the breuiaria enjoyed a very wide diffusion in the field of literature, historiography, theology, law, military art, etc. The paper focuses on the historiographical breuiaria, especially Historiae abbreviatae by Aurelius Victor (ca. 358-360/1), Breuiarium ab Vrbe condita by Eutropius (369), Breuiarium rerum gestarum populi Romani by Rufius Festus (369-370), Epitome of Caesaribus composed by an anonymous person in the first years of the 5th century. The purpose of our analysis is to highlight the way in which these writings reflect the evolution of the main ideas circulated in the IV-V centuries. In this sense, it can be appreciated that, although in a less developed and analytical way than other writings, the breuiaria capture the general course of thought of the time: from the “iconicity” of Rome to the recognition of the imperial character of Constantinople; from the anti-barbarian sentiment to the possibility of “Romanization” of the barbarians; from aggressive imperialism to defensive and pacifism; from imperium indiuisum to veiled criticism and, finally, acceptance of the division of the state; from imperium sine fine to imperium restitutum; from religious “neutrality” to prudent defense of paganism and tacit recognition of the supremacy of Christianity; the “romanocentrism”; the monarchical legitimism; the concept of princeps bonus etc. This text discusses the ways in which the authors of the above works emphasize the unity and uniqueness of the history of Rome. Two ways have been identified: the first is a programmatic, explicit one. The second is indirect, performed by several methods: the constant relationship with the foundation of Rome; the use of exempla regum; the appeal to the constants of the republican civic and moral catechism; the connection that they make, through the person of the sovereign, between the “recent past” (immediate past) and the late antique present. In conclusion, the breuiaria attest that, in the second half of the fourth century and in the first decade of the following, the awareness of a division of the Roman state was absent.
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Pendant les premiers mois de l’année 298, à Augustodunum, devant le représentant du pouvoir central, un vir perfectissimus ‒ probablement, le praeses Galliae Lugdunensis ‒, le rhéteur Eumène prononça un discours qu’Antony Hostein a... more
Pendant les premiers mois de l’année 298, à Augustodunum, devant le représentant du pouvoir central, un vir perfectissimus ‒ probablement, le praeses Galliae Lugdunensis ‒, le rhéteur Eumène prononça un discours qu’Antony Hostein a catalogué comme un presbeutikòs lógos (discours devant un envoyé, un ambassadeur < gr. πρεσβεία; lat. legatio ‒ ambassade), et non comme un basilikòs lógos (discours devant un souverain), en considérant, par conséquent, son auteur un pseudo-panégyriste. Ce plaidoyer n’a qu’une causa, una de re, pour reprendre la terminologie de l’auteur : la demande (postulatio) de la reconstruction de la soi-disant scholae Maenianae de la civitas (le discours étant, donc, connu sous le nom de Pro instaurandis scholis oratio). Toute la stratégie oratoire d’Eumène dans les deux parties (partes) du discours ‒ l’une consacrée à souligner la nécessité de la reconstruction des écoles Méniennes et l’autre à indiquer les moyens financiers pour la réalisation du projet ‒ est construite en vue de sensibiliser, de persuader et soumettre à la pression progressive du gouverneur anonyme. À notre avis ‒ et c’est, osons le croire, l’apport original à la riche exégèse du discours ‒, cette stratégie a pour pierre angulaire le concept de pietas, suivi par Eumène à la lumière d’une intéressante dialectique entre la subtile dissimulation des angoisses et le dévoilement sincère des satisfactions que l’auteur réconcilie, comme un arbitre suprême, par l’appel répété à l’autorité des souverains. En ce sens, le rhéteur met l’accent sur la pietas erga parentes et la pietas erga patriam, deux concepts réunis sous le signe du dévouement et du devoir dus aux principes ‒ pietas erga principes.
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Parmi les sources qui reflètent les transformations survenues dans l'idéologie impériale des III e-iv e siècles, on trouve les discours prononcés entre 289 et 389 dans des circonstances officielles et solennelles par des orateurs de Gaule... more
Parmi les sources qui reflètent les transformations survenues dans l'idéologie impériale des III e-iv e siècles, on trouve les discours prononcés entre 289 et 389 dans des circonstances officielles et solennelles par des orateurs de Gaule (certains d' entre eux anonymes), réunis dès l'Antiquité dans le corpus intitulé Panegyrici Latini. Un lieu à part dans ce sens est occupé par la nature divine de l'empereur. La bibliographie du problème est assez consistante, mais on peut ajouter à la discussion un aspect moins abordé antérieurement, que je vais traiter dans cet article, voire le rapport entre princeps et les éléments de la nature. L'analyse des paragraphes concernant le contrôle de l'univers physique par les souverains permet la mise en évidence des formules esthétiques à travers lesquelles les orateurs ont accentué certaines des composantes définitoires de l'idéologie transmise à travers leurs discours-le pouvoir cosmocratique, des vertus civiles et militaires exceptionnels, l'élection légitime, le consensus entre la Cour et les cercles politiques provinciaux. Les sections de l'article sont centrées sur ces aspects: 1. Maximien – fortitudo ; fortuna ; felicitas ; 2. Constance et la providentia ; 3. Constantin – utilitas publica ; virtus ; princeps salutaris ; 4. Théodose et la principauté méritocratique.
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This paper outlines the causes of the aversion towards the military caste, as reflected by some sources of the fourth to fifth century. On one hand, we are talking about the excessive involvement of the army in the election of sovereigns,... more
This paper outlines the causes of the aversion towards the military caste, as reflected by some sources of the fourth to fifth century. On one hand, we are talking about the excessive involvement of the army in the election of sovereigns, and on the other, about the humiliations incurred by the soldiers on the inhabitants of the provinces, such as: forms of corruption, abuses and injustices due to the economic and tax obligations of the provincials; the requisitions-sometimes unpredictable and forced-for annona militaris; the misfortunes caused to civilians by the movement and by the prolonged stationing of the troops; the offences generated by the lack of discipline, the defiance and "arrogance" manifested by officers and soldiers, in general, towards the civilian authorities and the provincials. Consequently, despite the exceptional importance of the late antiquity army in what certain researchers tend to name "the second Romanisation", the abuses committed on the civilians confer a less than honouring image upon it. À l'exception des éloges pour des victoires, dédiés à leur tour plutôt à l'empereur qu'à l'armée, la caste militaire n'a bénéficié d'aucune sympathie particulière dans la littérature antique tardive, surtout en latin, mais aussi en grec (l'épistolographie du rhéteur Libanios ou de Synésios de Cyrène dans ce sens). 1 L'abréviateur Aurélius Victor écrivait au milieu du quatrième siècle sur les soldats: "ce genre d'hommes, en effet, est fort avide d'argent et ne montre de fidélité et de dévouement que pour son propre intérêt (genus hominae pecuniae cupidius fidumque ac bonum solo quaestu)". 2 Ils sont fiers, 3 versatiles, 4 ils peuvent être corrompus (corruptis militibus) 5 facilement avec des promesses et des récompenses généreuses (praemia; grandis pecunia; dona munifica); 6 ils organisent des révoltes (seditio; tumultus); 7 ils sont des rebelles 8 et, dans leur 1
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After a brief introduction dedicated to the scientific training and interests of Jacques Zeiller and Vasile Pârvan, the paper conducts a comparative analysis of Christianity research in Illyricum and in the Danubian provinces conducted by... more
After a brief introduction dedicated to the scientific training and interests of Jacques Zeiller and Vasile Pârvan, the paper conducts a comparative analysis of Christianity research in Illyricum and in the Danubian provinces conducted by the two scholars in the first decades of the 20th century. We take into account the similarities and divergent standpoints expressed by them concerning the following matters: the novelty of the topic related to the development of the Antiquity science in those times; the space subjected to the investigation and the scientific, political, cultural motivations for choosing it and for the topic, in general; the perspectives and methods used by each of them to research the Illyrian and Danubian Christianity; the stages proposed for the development of pre- and post-Constantinian Christianity within that geographic area; the suggestions still comprised in their works for contemporary historiography and the issues still to solve in studying the Christianity in Illyricum, in general, and in the Danubian provinces, in particular.
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In a polemical and engaged manner, John Chrysostom often evoked in his homilies and exegeses two of Christianity’s multiple facets: on the one hand, its role in undermining and breaking down the traditional values (social, family, moral,... more
In a polemical and engaged manner, John Chrysostom often evoked in his homilies and exegeses two of Christianity’s multiple facets: on the one hand, its role in undermining and breaking down the traditional values (social, family, moral, cultural, religious) of antique communities, and, on the other hand, its constructive ability to transform and bring together these communities around new values, to create new identities, to shape new behaviors. The first part of contribution makes known the domains whose existence was undermined by Christianity (state, communities, ethno-religious groups, juridical and political entities, socio-political and professional categories, family, kinship, civil law, customs, habits, traditional religion with its entire underlying structure) and the lexicon employed by John Chrysostom for underlining the subversive action of the new religion. The second part of this study concerns the opposite phenomenon: the ways by which Christianity ― once established as official ― reconstruct the unity and identity of communities around new values, practices and behaviours in the works of John Chrysostom: the constant emphasis on the Christian identity of Antioch; implementing a true peri-urban sacred topography, closely linked to the urban one, and the celebration of feasts, particularly of martyrs, in the churches of the khôra; the constant instructing of the believers to avoid profane gatherings and areas, particularly the theatre and the hippodrome; the incessant advice to the public to constantly attend church, not only at holidays, and not to leave until the mass in done; the sustained study of the Scriptures, as a weapon “against pagans, and against Jews, and against many heretics”; finally, to embrace a conduct between believers guided by the two fundamental values of Christianity: love and peace.
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This article analyzes the violence caused by the military factor in Ammianus Marcellinus’ Res Gestae – an aspect circumscribed to a larger phenomenon, specific not only to Late Antiquity, which Polymnia Athanassiadi called “the culture of... more
This article analyzes the violence caused by the military factor in Ammianus Marcellinus’ Res Gestae – an aspect circumscribed to a larger phenomenon, specific not only to Late Antiquity, which Polymnia Athanassiadi called “the culture of amphitheatre”. After an introductory section, which comprises the author’s stance regarding the value of Ammianus’ writing as a credible source for the study of violence in Late Antiquity, and another one in which are stated the terms used by the ancient author to designate and depict violence and associated phenomena, three categories of violence generated by the military factor are thoroughly analyzed: legitimate violence, “illegitimate” violence and “violence of borders” (violence of war). For each of them, the causes, agents and specific forms are outlined (physical violence, verbal violence, psychological violence, economic violence; socio-juridical or economic degradation; self-violence, etc). The conclusion of this study is that all these categories and forms of violence described by Ammianus, along with others, found in Res Gestae or in other sources, reflect an era of brutality, suffering and pain – therefore, an era characterized more as a “culture of violence” rather than a “culture of amphitheatre”.
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Augusto nei discorsi politici di Temistio Parole-chiave: Augusto, Temistio, discorsi politici, filosofia e regalità, l’umanità del principe, barbari. Riassunto: Come hanno dimostrato alcuni studiosi, Temistio, un’intelletuale greco... more
Augusto nei discorsi politici di Temistio
Parole-chiave: Augusto, Temistio, discorsi politici, filosofia e regalità, l’umanità del principe, barbari.
Riassunto: Come hanno dimostrato alcuni studiosi, Temistio, un’intelletuale greco tardoantico, manifesta un’evidente disinteresse per la storia come forma di conoscenza; il riferimento storico, particolarmente l’esempio (paradeigma), appare utilizzato soprattutto all’interno dell’argomentazione ideologica, rispettivamente come definizione di aspetti del potere regio, e di qualità degli imperatori regnanti. Il nostro contributo si concentra sui riferimenti che Temistio fa alla figura di Augusto nei Discorsi politici. Rispetto ad Alessandro ed altri sovrani (ad esempio, gli Antonini), la frequenza di ricorrenze di Augusto non è grande (14 menzioni). Il criterio seguito nell’analisi è stato soprattutto quello dei problemi politico-ideologici sviluppati da Temistio nei suoi discorsi, e in particolare: 1) il collegamento fra filosofia e regalità, la buona disposizione del principe ad ascoltare i consiglieri filosofi (Augusto onorò il filosofo Ario, ma fu tenuto soltanto come spettatore delle sue imprese) (Or. 5, 63D [Per il consolato dell’imperatore Gioviano] (364); Or. 8, 108B-C [Per il quinto anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: il carattere del principe] (368); Or. 10, 130B [A Valente, per il trattato di pace] (370); Or. 11, 145B [Per il decimo anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: la dottrina che si addice al principe] (373); Or. 13, 173C [Discorso d’amore: la beltà del principe] (376)); Or. 34, 8 [A chi lo accusa per aver accettato la prefettura urbana] (385)); 2) philanthropia dell’imperatore – l’amore verso i sudditi (Or. 8, 115B [Per il quinto anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: il carattere del principe] (368); Or. 13, 174D [Discorso d’amore: la beltà del principe] (376); Or. 15, 193A [A Teodosio: la più regale fra le virtù] (381)); la magnanimità verso i nemici (Or. 7, 96B [La rivolta fallita] (366/7)); l’umanità limitata d’Augusto (Augusto amico soltanto dei Romani, non di tutti gli uomini) (Or. 10, 132C [A Valente, per il trattato di pace] (370); Or. 16, 211C [Ringraziamento all’imperatore per la pace e il consolato del generale Saturnino] (383); Or. 34, 25 [A chi lo accusa per aver accettato la prefettura urbana] (385)).
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Temistio, Discorsi, a cura di Riccardo Maisano, Torino, 1995; Perseus Digital Library (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/)
Parole-chiave: Augusto, Temistio, discorsi politici, filosofia e regalità, l’umanità del principe, barbari.
Riassunto: Come hanno dimostrato alcuni studiosi, Temistio, un’intelletuale greco tardoantico, manifesta un’evidente disinteresse per la storia come forma di conoscenza; il riferimento storico, particolarmente l’esempio (paradeigma), appare utilizzato soprattutto all’interno dell’argomentazione ideologica, rispettivamente come definizione di aspetti del potere regio, e di qualità degli imperatori regnanti. Il nostro contributo si concentra sui riferimenti che Temistio fa alla figura di Augusto nei Discorsi politici. Rispetto ad Alessandro ed altri sovrani (ad esempio, gli Antonini), la frequenza di ricorrenze di Augusto non è grande (14 menzioni). Il criterio seguito nell’analisi è stato soprattutto quello dei problemi politico-ideologici sviluppati da Temistio nei suoi discorsi, e in particolare: 1) il collegamento fra filosofia e regalità, la buona disposizione del principe ad ascoltare i consiglieri filosofi (Augusto onorò il filosofo Ario, ma fu tenuto soltanto come spettatore delle sue imprese) (Or. 5, 63D [Per il consolato dell’imperatore Gioviano] (364); Or. 8, 108B-C [Per il quinto anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: il carattere del principe] (368); Or. 10, 130B [A Valente, per il trattato di pace] (370); Or. 11, 145B [Per il decimo anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: la dottrina che si addice al principe] (373); Or. 13, 173C [Discorso d’amore: la beltà del principe] (376)); Or. 34, 8 [A chi lo accusa per aver accettato la prefettura urbana] (385)); 2) philanthropia dell’imperatore – l’amore verso i sudditi (Or. 8, 115B [Per il quinto anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: il carattere del principe] (368); Or. 13, 174D [Discorso d’amore: la beltà del principe] (376); Or. 15, 193A [A Teodosio: la più regale fra le virtù] (381)); la magnanimità verso i nemici (Or. 7, 96B [La rivolta fallita] (366/7)); l’umanità limitata d’Augusto (Augusto amico soltanto dei Romani, non di tutti gli uomini) (Or. 10, 132C [A Valente, per il trattato di pace] (370); Or. 16, 211C [Ringraziamento all’imperatore per la pace e il consolato del generale Saturnino] (383); Or. 34, 25 [A chi lo accusa per aver accettato la prefettura urbana] (385)).
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Temistio, Discorsi, a cura di Riccardo Maisano, Torino, 1995; Perseus Digital Library (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/)
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Nelu Zugravu, Auctoritas elegantiae atque eruditionis în Antichitatea târzie, în Emanuela Ilie, Claudia Tărnăuceanu (coord.), Valorile educației - educația valorilor, din Antichitate până azi. Abordări teoretice, soluții practice, Editura Universității „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iași, 2016, 99-116more
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Résumé: Parmi les éléments de la rhétorique classique récupérés et remis en valeur par les auteurs chrétiens dans différentes formes littéraires, on trouve aussi l’appel aux comparationes par l’intermédiaire des exempla. Ainsi, dans la... more
Résumé: Parmi les éléments de la rhétorique classique récupérés et remis en valeur par les auteurs chrétiens dans différentes formes littéraires, on trouve aussi l’appel aux comparationes par l’intermédiaire des exempla. Ainsi, dans la première partie, l’article présente les lignes générales du problème du parallèle entre les héros et les personnages gréco-romains et ceux chrétiens, ainsi que l’importance de l’exemple dans la stratégie démonstrative, persuasive et formative des écrivains ecclésiastiques. Dans la deuxième partie, on analyse
quelques personnages repris de la tradition littéraire, historique ou mythologico-religieuse païenne et utilisés par des auteurs chrétiens latins et grecs comme exemplum dans
différents écrits (des biographies, des panégyriques, des homélies, des carmina), tout en insistant sur leur fonction mimétique et sur celle polémico-apologétique, accomplies dans
les oeuvres en question.
quelques personnages repris de la tradition littéraire, historique ou mythologico-religieuse païenne et utilisés par des auteurs chrétiens latins et grecs comme exemplum dans
différents écrits (des biographies, des panégyriques, des homélies, des carmina), tout en insistant sur leur fonction mimétique et sur celle polémico-apologétique, accomplies dans
les oeuvres en question.
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Le texte analysé – Aur. Vict., Caes., 3, 14-15 – révèle deux constantes de la pensée politique de Aurelius Victor: la critique voilée du régime politique constantinienne, et l’aversion ouverte envers l’armée et les barbares.
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N. Zugravu, review to Anja Bettenworth / Peter Schenk, Rufius Festus. Kleine Geschichte des römishen Volkes, Lateinisch-deutsch, Herausgegeben und übersetzt von A. B. und P. S., unter Mitarbeit von Annika Kohlhaas, Fabian Neuwahl und Patrick Witte, Berlin / New York, W. de Gruyter, 2020 (Tusculum)more
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Research Interests: Roman Religion and Cicero
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Research Interests: Latin Literature, Late Latin Literature, History of Christianity, Byzantine Literature, Roman Republic, and 12 moreLate Roman Empire, Roman Empire, Reception of Antiquity, Constantine, Virgil, Sidonius Apollinaris, Ancient Greek Literature, Dracontius, Scythia Minor, Q. Aurelius Symmachus, Latin Patristics, and Emperor Julian said the Apostate
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Research Interests: Latin Literature, Late Latin Literature, Medieval Latin Literature, Greek Epigraphy, Augustine of Hippo, and 9 moreMaximus the Confessor, Late Roman Empire, Latin Language, Procopius, Sappho, Sidonius Apollinaris, Roman military equipment, Greek and Roman religions; Ancient Polytheism, and Dracontius
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Research Interests: Byzantine Studies, Late Antiquity, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Late Roman Empire, and 15 moreRoman Empire, Early Christian Art, Basil of Caesarea, History of Moldova, Augustus, Moesia inferior, Ancient Greek Colonies of the Northern Black Sea Shore, Ancient Greek Literature, Roman imperial cult, Dalmatia, Greek Patristics, Latin Patristics, Late Roman Epitomes/breviaria, History of the Romanian Orthodox Church, and Panegyrici Latini
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Research Interests: Latin Literature, Roman History, History of Medicine, History of Christianity, Latin Epigraphy, and 9 moreRoman Dacia, Christian Epigraphy, Ancient Greek Colonies of the Northern Black Sea Shore, Sidonius Apollinaris, Ancient Greek Literature, Dalmatia, Danubian Provinces of the Roman Empire, Hieronymus Stridonensis, and Cláudios Ptolemâios
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Research Interests: Latin Literature, Byzantine Literature, Roman Law, Prosopography, Byzantine Studies, and 9 moreLate Roman Empire, Moesia inferior, Gilgamesh Epic, Pericles, Sidonius Apollinaris, Medieval Prosopography, Latin and Greek Literature of Early Christianity, Greek Patristics, and Late Roman Epitomes/breviaria
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Tradizione e innovazione tra antichità classica e cristiane-simo: forme, strumenti e modelli di comunicazione letteraria e artistica AL XI-LEA COLOCVIU ROMÂNO-ITALIAN Tradiţie și inovaţie între antichitatea clasică și creștinism: forme,... more
Tradizione e innovazione tra antichità classica e cristiane-simo: forme, strumenti e modelli di comunicazione letteraria e artistica AL XI-LEA COLOCVIU ROMÂNO-ITALIAN Tradiţie și inovaţie între antichitatea clasică și creștinism: forme, instrumente și modele de comunicare literară şi artistică Iaşi, 10-12 ottobre / octombrie 2019 Sala H1 (Facoltà di Storia / Facultatea de Istorie) PROGRAMMA / PROGRAM Organizzatore / Organizator: Prof. univ. dr. Nelu ZUGRAVU
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Research Interests: Latin Literature, Roman History, Late Latin Literature, Byzantine Literature, Emperor Julian, and 14 moreLate Antiquity, Augustine of Hippo, Late Roman Empire, Roman Empire, Constantine, Late Antique Latin Poetry, Virgil, Sidonius Apollinaris, Ancient Greek Literature, Dracontius, Greek Patristics, Christian Historiography, Scythia Minor, and Q. Aurelius Symmachus
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Tradizione e innovazione tra Antichità classica e cristianesimo: forme e modelli di comunicazione e monumentalizzazione fino al VI secolo. 2000 anni dall’esilio di Ovidio à Tomis, a cura di Nelu ZUGRAVU e Mario GIRARDI, Editura Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” Iaşi, Iaşi, 2009 (C&C, 4/1, 2009)more
